Saturday, December 20, 2025

RUTH AND THE GOSPELS

 I thought that an interesting exercise might by to look for possible correspondences between these widely separated books in the Bible. Here are a few such parallels gleaned from the scholarly literature, although I am sure there are probably additional examples that have been mentioned before.

Ruth 1:1

Hubbbard notes that in the Bible famines were “often believed to be God's judgment [as in Mark 13:8]...though in this case the author was silent about the cause.” And, in fact, the end result of this particular famine was the birth of the Savior of the world.

Ruth 1:8

Ruth tells her daughters-in-law in this verse, “May the LORD deal mercifully toward you” just as Luke 1:72 talks about His “mercy promised to our ancestors.” Pao and Schnabel relate these two statements to one another.

Ruth 1:15-16

Campbell compares the difficult choice Ruth has to make in these verses to that required of Jesus' disciples (see Matthew 10:37-39; 19:29; Mark 10:29; Luke 14:26,33).

Ruth 2

Understanding the incident of Jesus and His disciples plucking grain to eat on the Sabbath depends partially on knowing about the law allowing the poor to glean from harvested fields (Lev. 19:9-1). This is also the key background needed to be able to make sense out of the events in the second chapter of Ruth.

Ruth 2:4

“The second part of the prayer [in 2 Thessalonians 3:16] involves a typical Jewish greeting: 'The Lord be with you' (Judg . 6:12; Ruth 2:4; Luke 1:28).” (Weima)

Ruth 2:12

Boaz says to Ruth in this verse, “May the LORD reward you for your deeds, and may you have a full reward from the LORD, the God of Israel, under whose wings you have come for refuge.” Pao and Schnabel add, “Rabbinic texts use the image of finding refuge under wings for proselytes who come under the wings of the Shekinah [i.e. the glory of God's presence].”

Blomberg relates this to a NT passage by saying, “The imagery of [Matt.] 23:37, in which Jesus longs to have gathered Jerusalem's children together as a hen gathers her chicks under her wings, echoes the imagery of, for example, Deut. 32:11; Ps. 36:7; Ruth 2:12; Isa. 31:5...”

Ruth 2:14

Hubbard concludes that the drink in question “was either a refreshing sour drink or a vinegar-based sauce into which bread was customarily dipped.”

Discussing the meaning of the Hebrew term for the drink, Campbell says, “It is clear that homes is liquid or semi-liquid, and that it tastes good...In Ps. 69:22, however, it designates a drink a thirsty man would not want; the Gospel accounts of drink offered to Jesus on the cross (Mark 15:36; Matt 27:48...; and John 19:29-30) make take their rise from this psalm, but they manifest a discrepancy as to Jesus' attitude toward the offer. It is enough to assume that it was a refreshing sour drink.”

“Jesus' words to his disciples in [John] 6:12, 'Gather the leftover pieces, so that nothing may perish' echo those of the narrative in Ruth 2:4, 'She ate all she wanted and had some left over.' It was customary at Jewish meals to collect what was left over.” (Kostenerger)

Ruth 3

Blomberg: “More interesting than the men are the women in Jesus' genealogy [as related by Matthew in the first chapter of his Gospel account]. Tamar, Rahab, Ruth, and Bathsheba ('Uriah's wife' [1:6]) were Gentiles, but also women who were under suspicion, rightly or wrongly, of illicit sexual relations (see, respectively, Gen. 38; Josh. 2; Ruth 3; 2 Sam. 11). Mary was not a Gentile, but she did experience the stigma of a conception out of wedlock...”

Ruth 3:9

Leith notes, “The reference to God's protective wings...[in Ruth 2:12, see above] is echoed in 3.9 when Ruth asks Boaz to 'spread' his cloak (lit. 'wing') over her.”

Ruth 3:10

“The point was that Ruth acted neither from passion nor greed. Rather, sacrificially setting aside personal preferences, she chose a marriage of benefit to her family. She reckoned her own happiness as secondary to provision of an heir for her late husband and Naomi. Such a model of selfless concern for the needs of others recalls...[Jesus'] teaching that the 'greatest' in the kingdom is everybody's servant (Matt. 23:11; Luke 22:24-27; cf. John 13:12-17).” (Hubbard) In that regard, note the number of times in Ruth 2-3 various Hebrew words are employed for the word “servant, slave, bondservant, etc.”

Ruth 3:13

Seifrid says that the opening phrase of Romans 14:11 “pointedly appropriates the oath 'As the LORD (Yahweh) lives' (e.g., Judg. 8:19; Ruth 3:13; 1 Sam. 14:39; Jer. 4:2). In most contexts the Lord's self-binding oath introduces a warning of coming judgment, whereas in Isa. 49:18 it introduces the promise of Zion's salvation.” In the case of Ruth 3:13, both implications may actually be in mind.

Ruth 4:1

The Anchor Bible calls the relative-redeemer in this verse “so-and-so.” Campbell explains, “The Hebrew is peloni almoni, two rhyming nouns of similar but not identical formation without intervening conjunction ['and'].., to be found only in I Sam 21:3, II Kings 6:8, and here, along with the contracted form palmoni in Dan 8:13. The meaning has been determined partly from the contexts of these biblical passages, but more from the way certain versions (some LXX manuscripts: hodeina, 'such a one,' - cf. Matt 26:18...); from the persistence in the Talmud of the first element..; and from the Syriac and Arabic cognate...The effect is to indicate one who (for whatever reason) will not or cannot be named.”

Ruth 4:1-12

“In Matt 22, some Sadduces try to trick Jesus by asking him a hypothetical question relating to the levirate law of Deuteronomy 25:5. And, as Blomberg points out, “The most famous application of the levirate laws in later OT literature appears in the wonderful short story of Ruth. Boaz must make sure that a nearer kinsman of Ruth does not want to marry her, so that he can have the privilege (Ruth 4:1-12).”

This same NT narrative is found in parallel passages Matthew 22:23-33 and Mark 12:18-27.

Ruth 4:17

Campbell: “They [i.e. the townswomen] gave him the name Obed.” In this regard, Campbell refers to the example of “Luke 1:59, where Elizabeth's neighbors and kin appear to be involved with the proposal to name her child [i.e. John the Baptist] Zechariah, after his father, only to be deterred first by Elizabeth and then by Zechariah himself.”

Ruth 4:18-22

But perhaps the most interesting passage in Ruth for both Jews and Christians consists of these final words, which come as somewhat of a surprise for those who have never read the book of Ruth before. In these verses is revealed the fact that this simple pastoral tale is, in fact, extremely important for later generations in that King David was actually born from this union of Ruth and Boaz. Both Matthew 1:1-6 and Luke 3:25-38 contain this fact, but whereas Luke's genealogy only mentions Boaz, that of Matthew pointedly includes Ruth herself in the enumeration. And the slight differences in these two lists indicate that there may be, in fact, two different ways of tracing a direct lineage from Abraham to Jesus' (step-)father Joseph.”

Campbell discusses the vexing question of whether the offspring of Ruth and Boaz would properly be reckoned to either Boaz or to Ruth's deceased first husband. He answers: “Apparently to both” and notes “that levirate marriages always resulted in a sort of dual paternity. Something of the same conclusion is to be drawn from Genesis 38, where the twins born to Tamar are implicitly to be reckoned to her first husband Er, but in all the Judah genealogies, from Gen 46:12 to Matt 1:3, Perez and Zerah are reckoned to Judah.”

Wednesday, December 17, 2025

DANIEL 5 REVISITED

 

 The Handwriting on the Wall (collage and acrylics, 2004)

This is a short update to a previously post on this subject. But first, here is a quick rehash of what I said earlier:

This phrase from the Bible is one of many that has entered into our general vocabulary. It usually refers to something that prophesies a coming doom. It appears in expected places such as the lyrics to Christian songs or the title of a study on Daniel by David Jeremiah. But it can also be found in gansta rap lyrics and, my favorite, the final lines in Paul Simon's The Sound of Silence: “The words of the prophets are written on the subway walls and tenement halls and whispered in the sounds of silence.”

We are probably all familiar with the story in which King Belshazzar is having a large feast in his palace, using the stolen goblets from the Jerusalem Temple to drink from. At one point in the festivities, he sees a disembodied hand writing on the wall near a lamp. The main concern of the story from that point on is the proper interpretation of the writing.

This palace has been excavated. The walls are covered with white gypsum, which would have made the writing easy to read. Apparently, the king was the only one who actually witnessed the act of writing itself. Levine points to a somewhat similar earlier situation when King Nebuchadnezzar was the first one to notice a fourth “man” in the fiery furnace with the three young Jewish men.

It would make sense that Belshazzar was the first one to see the writing since, as E.J. Young notes, “It was the custom at oriental feasts for the king to sit on a raised platform, apart from the guests (see v. 1, 'in front of the thousand'). Thus, he probably was facing in a different direction than the others.

The Dictionary of Biblical Imagery sees a similarity with two other occasions in which “the finger of God” wrote something: God writing the ten commandments on stone (Exodus 31:18) and Jesus driving out demons by 'the finger of God” (Luke 11:20). “In each case, finger imagery conveys the power and immediacy of God's action.” Tremper Longman adds Exodus 8:19 and Psalm 8:3 to this list of biblical passages.

As in previous stories in this book, the king calls in all his non-Jewish magicians, diviners, etc. But they are unable to understand the meaning of the words. A somewhat related story appears in Genesis 41:8. His promise of the third highest rank in the land if they can solve the puzzle makes sense in light of the fact that Nabonidus was actually the king and Belshazzar filling in for him in his absence. In any case, the promise is an empty one, as Daniel knows, since Belshazzar will soon be deposed.

The first major question involves the inability of the magicians to understand the writing. Longman feels it may imply “that it was written in some sort of code, because it had been written in Aramaic, the common language of the day. Their inability cannot be the result of a simple inability to read the script, if it were written out in a normal manner. The text ultimately does not let us know.” But that does not stop scholars from speculating anyway:

Goldingay suggests that possibly the letters were written in a peculiar type of cuneiform or that the weights involved were actually abbreviated (as we might do with kg. or lb.). Most other commentators identify the difficulty in the fact that Aramaic was written in scripta continua (without a break between words) and without vowel indications, as Hebrew was also written.

Then again, the problem may not have been in the reading of the words, but in their meaning. Hartman and DiLella say, “For the storyteller, the writing was apparently in regular Aramaic script, giving ordinary Aramaic words, but the message conveyed by the words was beyond the understanding of the pagan wise men; cf. the mysterious name of Isaiah's son, Maher-shalal-hash-baz, which the prophet inscribed 'in ordinary writing', but of which no one could grasp the significance until the prophet explained the meaning (Isa 8:1-4).”

In verses 24-28 we come to the proper interpretation of the terse message, as given by Daniel. Interpretation: mina (large weight related to “count”), shekel (1/60 of a mina, related to “weight”), and pares (½ parsin, interpreted as “divide”). This is like some other OT prophecies which depend on taking an ordinary object or word and through wordplay deriving a spiritual message (for example, see Amos 7:7-9; 8:1-3).

Chisholm summarizes it best: “At the surface level, the words meant literally 'a mina, a mina, a sheckel, and half-shekels.' These units of measure suggested an image of monetary weights being placed on a scale. As such, each word carried a double meaning. The term mene' sounded like the verb menah, meaning 'to number.' God had numbered the days of Belshazzar's reign, and the king's time was up (v. 26). The word teqel sounds like the verb tequal, meaning 'to weigh.' Belshazzar had been weighed on God's scales and found wanting (v. 27). The term upsarin (combining the conjunction 'and' and the plural of peres, 'half-shekel) sounded like the verb peras, 'to break in two.' Belshazzar's kingdom had been broken and would be handed over to the Medes and Persians (v. 28).”

In addition, Goldingay notes that menah can have the meaning of 'to appoint' or 'to destine.' And E.J. Young says, “We have a play upon words in which the basic idea of division in liked with the name of the conqueror [peres and Persia].”

Finally, various scholars have fancifully suggested that each of the weights stood for a subsequent ruler of Babylon, but they can't seem to agree on which kings those were or even how many kings were in mind. Similarly, The Jerusalem Bible suggests that perhaps the sequence of terms are “allusions to the decreasing influence of the three successive empires (Babylonians, 'Medes,' and Persians).”

There is some historical verification of the ending to the story in that the historian Herodotus says Babylon was captured at nighttime while its leaders were enjoying a feast. And one last detail: The time of this event that Herodotus records happens to coincide with the annual rising of the constellation Libra, which is appropriate in its image of a scale for weighing. “This recalls the picture of God as the just judge who ably manages the affairs of the world, and who not only measures motives and actions but evaluates and controls each person's destiny.” (DBI)

Updates

To start with, I would like to refer the reader to an earlier post titled “Balaam: Numbers 22-24.” In it I wrote:

“Because of doubts concerning the historicity of the episode with the talking donkey, there has even been speculation that the prophet himself was a fictional character. After all, here we have a prophet who isn't even Jewish but is still able to converse with God and even has a considerable reputation outside his own land.

So it was quite exciting when a totally unique form of archeological evidence was uncovered. The information below comes from David L. Stubbs' commentary on Numbers and from Biblical Archaeology Today, xi(5), p. 34.

Nothing else was known concerning Balaam except the details given in Numbers 22-24 and a few other biblical passages. Then in 1967, some Dutch archeologists were excavating at Deir 'Alla, identified with the biblical Succoth in northern Israel where Jacob built a booth for his cattle. They found pieces of several plaster panels containing writing in a red pigment. It appeared that these panels were attached to a column inside a non-Israelite Iron Age II temple. After many years, they pieced the writing together and reconstructed the Aramaic inscription to read “Book of Balaam, son of Beor, the man who was a seer of the gods.” The rest of the writing confirmed the existence of a pagan prophet named Balaam who was revered by Canaanites hundreds of years later.

The reconstructed text of the first panel describes Balaam receiving a night vision (see Numbers 22:8,20) in which he learns that the heavenly council is planning to remove all the light from the sun. In the second panel, which is in poorer condition than the first, it appears that Balaam may possibly be counseling the people to resort to child sacrifice to avert the disaster. If so, it indicates that Balaam was not just a prophet, but also an exorcist of sorts. This would fit well with the multiple roles that Balaam is expected to play in Numbers 22-24 as someone who not only can discern God's will, but also one who can cast effective spells against an enemy.

As to the age of this wall, the strata covering these panels and earlier levels had large cracks indicating destruction by a large earthquake. One such earthquake is prominently mentioned in Amos 1:1 and Zechariah 14:4-5 dating to about 750 BC. Other indications give the range of dates from 900-600 BC.”

So here we have an interesting literal example of the words of the prophet being written on a wall.

The second update also comes from the pages of BAR, this time in a letter to the editor by D. Freund followed by a response from the editor. Freund related the fact that his father was auditing a class at UCLA (my own alma mater) in which the mysterious words “mene, mene, tekel, and parsin” were also explained by his professor as being derived from the value of certain Persian coins circulating at the time. However, instead of these relating to future kings, the professor felt that they referred to two past and one present kings of Persia.

According to this interpretation (similar but not identical to that proposed back in 1944), in the words of Freund, “The wall inscription may well have been a graffito of three coins: a mina (worth many shekels) with the head of Belshazzar's grandfather, suggesting he was a great king; a shekel coin with the head of his father; a lesser but still great man; and a farthing coined with the head of Belshazzar himself, suggesting that he was all but worthless in comparison to his forebears. The meaning of that graffito was of course clear to anyone who saw it scrawled on the palace wall, but who would dare reveal its meaning to the king? Only Daniel had the courage to suggest to the king that he was a failure, and that his kingdom would soon fall.”

The editor of BAR called this particular theory “intriguing, there is, however, no way to know how Daniel read (i.e. vocalized) the inscription and how exactly, in his mind, the pun worked.” My read on this professor's theory is even more skeptical. For one thing, in the typical fashion of liberal Bible scholars, they are willing to take bits and pieces of the biblical narratives as accurate when it pleases them to do so but systematically strip them of all supernatural (and thus impossible) elements.

Thus, the related detail of the king seeing the words actually being written is purposely ignored as well as Daniel's divine revelation that Belshazzar was about to lose his kingdom to the Persians, which did happen at that time. Secondly, if all the king saw was some graffiti scribbled on the wall of his palace, would he really have begun to tremble all over with fear and be so concerned on what the words meant that he consulted all his wise men for the interpretation? Instead he would be outraged that anyone had the nerve to deface his palace and go to great lengths to have his wise men find out who it was. Thirdly, why did his wise men supposedly know exactly what the words meant? If it was that obvious, why couldn't Belshazzar figure it out himself? And if the meaning wasn't that obvious, why didn't one of the wise men simply put himself in good stead with the new king by making up an interpretation that was flattering to him?

Then there is the unlikelihood of not one of the king's numerous servants and courtiers at some point in the process of preparing this grand banquet noticing this obvious scribbling (whatever its meaning) defacing the room without quickly whitewashing it out before the king had a chance to see it.

But the most obvious problem with this scenario is the historical fact that before Babylon was conquered by the Persians, there was no coinage at all in that country. All hunks of metal were simply valued by their weight, as noted in the mention of scales in Daniel's interpretation . The introduction of even crude coins did not take place until about 100 years after that time. I personally have a small Persian silver coin from 200 years after Babylon fell. Even it is so crudely made that you can barely distinguish the picture of a person on it.

In conclusion, it is far easier and more consistent to simply take the account at its face value.

 

Sunday, December 14, 2025

WHO WAS TITUS?

One thing that must be rather confusing for those reading the New Testament for the first time is the way the various letters are titled. Romans through II Thessalonians are named after the churches being addressed, but these are followed by I Timothy-Philemon in which the addressees are individuals instead. Then there is Hebrews, which appears to be directed toward a whole ethnic group rather than an individual or specific church body. And things really get really confusing when we encounter James through Jude since now the books are named for their respective authors rather than the individual or group being addressed.

Moving closer to the letter of most interest in this post, from the summary above it would seem logical to include Titus in the category of the Pastoral Letters along with I-II Timothy since all three are concerned with giving valuable advice to specific church leaders on how to teach and administer the churches to which they are called to superintend. The short book of Philemon is excluded from this category since it is a more personal one-on-one private communication dealing with one specific subject, the fate of a runaway slave.

We happen to know quite a bit concerning Timothy and his activities, not only from the two epistles with his name attached but also due to his ubiquitous appearance in no less than nine additional NT epistles as well as the book of Acts. By contrast, outside of the Letter to Titus itself, he only appears in II Corinthians, Galatians and II Timothy. Putting together a chronology regarding the movements of Paul and his companions on the mission field. Lea and Griffin suggest the following timeline:

A.D. 61-63 Paul's first imprisonment. Writing of Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon.

A.D. 63-65/66 Paul freed for additional mission work. Writing of 1 Timothy and Titus.

A.D. 65/66 Paul arrested again, followed by writing of 2 Timothy and eventually his death.

The Early Life of Titus

Both liberals and conservatives generally agree with the following order of the early events associated with Titus:

Although he is never mentioned in Acts, Paul's letters provide information about Titus. According to Gal 2.3 he was a Gentile who accompanied Paul to the conference with the Jerusalem apostles, where Titus served as a kind of litmus test for the acceptability of uncircumcised Gentile converts. Titus played a crucial role in the pastoral ministry to Corinth, first as a key administrator of the collection for the church in Jerusalem (2 Cor 8.6,16-17,23; 12:18), and later as Paul's diplomatic envoy who successfully brokered a reconciliation between the apostle and the Corinthian church, which had harbored doubts about Paul's legitimacy [i.e. as an apostle] and financial reliability (2 Cor 2:13; 7.6-7, 13-16).” (M.M. Mitchell)

The Book of Acts

Thus, the only question remaining regarding Titus in these early years was why he was never mentioned by Luke in the Book of Acts. Guthrie says, “For the possibility that he was Luke's brother (which might explain the absence of his name from Acts), see W. M. Ramsay.” To clarify the reasoning behind that statement, keep in mind the following pattern of humility evinced by many NT authors:

Luke's own presence in the events of Acts is only marked by the occasional use of the first-person plural “we,” and he omits any mention of his (possible) brother Titus.

John in his Gospel account never mentions his own name (utilizing instead the pseudonym “beloved one”) and omits the name of his brother and fellow apostle James the Great.

Most commentators suspect that the anonymous young man who flees at Jesus' arrest in Mark's Gospel is an unflattering self-portrait of Mark himself.

In the opening verses of the epistles of James and Jude, neither author dares claim that he is the step-brother or half-brother of Jesus. Instead they only call themselves servants of Jesus Christ.

Even Paul, who often comes across as rather dictatorial, says that the only thing he has to boast about is his weakness. And in II Corinthians, he writes his famous “fool's speech.”

Quinn actually proposes two additional reasons for the absence of Titus' name in Acts. He supposes that “the disturbance in the text of Acts 18:7 [where some manuscripts read 'Titius Justus' and others 'Titus Justus'] may indicate that the copyists (if not the author) wanted to distinguish [Emperor] Titus Justus from a person with a similar name.” Alternatively, he proposes that the “silence of Acts concerning his previous career may be due to the painful controversies with which he was associated, controversies that Acts muted or omitted altogether. On the hypothesis that the PE [i.e. Pastoral Epistles] are to be read as a conclusion to Acts, the figure of Titus was accordingly saved for the concluding roll.”

Galatians 2:3

We first encounter Titus in this verse in which Paul calls Titus a Greek. According to Ridderbos, this designation “need not imply that he was a Greek by nationality, but only that he came from a non-Jewish, pagan sphere of life which, in those days, found in the Greek language its general means of communication (cf. Mark 7:26).”

But besides that rather unimportant detail, the rest of the verse in its immediate context is unfortunately fraught with controversy since Paul's sentences remain unfinished and there are alternatives, albeit unlikely ones, to the common understanding that Paul and his companions stood their ground before a group of Jerusalem leaders and refused to yield to their request that Titus be circumcised. As Mikolaski notes, “The sentence structure [of Gal. 2:3-5] is notoriously difficult to unravel.”

In fact, one possible interpretation of the verse, according to Bruce, was that Titus himself volunteered to have it done. This is highly unlikely and Bruce's judgment is expressed in his words: “Had Paul and his colleagues [including Titus] given way on this issue, even temporarily, the 'truth' of integrity of the gospel would have been compromised.” Thus, we could state that Titus was more than a mere pawn or “Exhibit A” in those proceedings. He, as well as Paul, had the fortitude and religious conviction to resist against overwhelming peer pressure he knew was misplaced.

II Corinthians

Quinn states, “Titus had been Paul's liaison with the refractory Corinthian converts, and Paul called him 'my brother' (2 Cor 2:13) and 'my partner and fellow worker' (...2 Cor 8:23).” Beyond that, Quinn feels that further references to Titus came from much later sources and can't necessarily be trusted as historically accurate.

From indications in this letter, Guthrie deduces that Titus “appears to have been a stronger personality than Timothy (cf. 1 Cor. xvi.10; 2 Cor. vii.15) and possessed ability as an administrator...and seems to have possessed a particular affection and serious concern for the Corinthians.” See II Corinthians 8:16-17.

“Giving to the needs of others...becomes a test of the genuineness of one's faith (2 Cor 8:8,24; 9:13), with Titus providing an example of just such a genuine faith and the love it produces (2 Cor 8:16-17).” (Hafemann)

Everts: “In 2 Corinthians 8:16-9:5, Paul goes on to explain why Titus is returning to help with the collection. Titus is another generous benefactor who can serve as a model for the Corinthians and he has the best interests of the Corinthians at heart.”

The key roles in the congregation are to be taken up by proved individuals and couples within their own ranks (I Tim 3:1-13; Tit 1:5-9), which Paul's associates [Titus and Timothy] could only help identify through knowledge provided by the churches themselves. Clearly, for all his close ties ties with his churches, Paul gave them considerable freedom to develop their own life and to do so in ways that were not identical to one another.” (Banks)

The Later Career of Titus

The divide in chronological matters between different theological camps comes about only when discussing the later events in the life of Titus, reflected in hints given in the pastoral letters II Timothy and Titus. Those discounting these books as fictional products of an later anonymous author masquerading as Paul attempt to poke holes in the narratives based on the fact that they have no confirmation elsewhere in the New Testament. This reasoning has been rightly labeled as “a hermeneutic of suspicion,” i.e. biblical accounts should be considered unhistorical unless proven otherwise. It is sort of like a twisted court of law in which a defendant must prove his innocence rather than it being the duty of the prosecution to prove the party's guilt.

But for those who tend to trust the NT accounts as historical, the remaining references to Titus in them fit well into the following proposed scenario:

After Paul was released from his first captivity in Rome, he went to Crete on another missionary journey. When Paul had established a fledgling church body there, he departed (either to evangelize elsewhere or when he was again taken prisoner and brought back to Rome to face death) and commissioned Titus to take his place on that island to fully establish the Christian churches (as described in the Letter to Titus). Finally, after Titus had completed that important assignment, he left for the region of Dalmatia (see reference in II Timothy 4:10) to continue missionary activities there.

Thus, Titus “appears as one of the earliest, as he was to be one of the latest, of Paul's fellow-workers.” (Coad)

Letters to Titus and II Timothy 1:2

Ellis: “He [i.e. Paul] sent letter to trusted coworkers, Titus in Crete and Timothy in Ephesus, which served both as instruments of personal communication and encouragement and also as vade mecums [handbooks or guides kept at hand for later consultation] to give apostolic authorization for their teaching.”

For the PE Titus and Timothy are paradigmatic persons who furnish the pattern (Titus 2:7; 1 Tim 4:12) of what the continuing Pauline apostolate is and does. They are models of Paul and models for believers as they are designated to carry on the apostle's work, carry out his commands, emulate his sufferings, teach his gospel and practice it themselves, preside at the liturgy, receive material support for their ministerial work, and choose other men who will in their turn share their apostolic ministry (see Titus 1:5, etc.).” (Quinn)

Quinn continues with a comment on Titus 2:7b-8: “Titus is to be 'a pattern,' typos, of the attractive conduct that he urges on young Christian men. The Greek suggests the concentrated force of this living example, falling like a mallet (typas) or punch upon the matrix of those whose lives it marks...The author of the Letter to Titus chose typos, however, for more than simply ethical reasons. He has placed Titus among the younger men of the congregation, conceiving him to be Paul's junior, perhaps by as much as twenty years...Titus is emphatically Paul's 'true child' (1:4), and children are typoi of their parents...Thus Titus is not only to leave a 'pattern' on his peers but is also a living typos stamped out of the life and teaching of the Pauline model.”

Towner, a much more conservative commentator than Quinn, actually echoes much of what Quinn says above: “From vv. 7b-8 the attention is focused on Titus, who is set into this context as a model for the young men...First, Paul considers the quality of Titus's observable life...This concept is important within these letters (and esp. in Titus) for detecting the observable dimension of the Christian life that faith produces...Second, Paul considers the character of his coworker's teaching in a way that will take in both content and teacher.” In regard to this second quality, Towner notes that there is a Greek term in the phrase 'irreproachable with respect to the sound teachings' (Titus 2:8a) which only appears here in the New Testament. Aphthoria is defined as soundness or incorruption which Towner feels “seems to denote innocence,” which may make a better reference to disposition than to content. As Tanner concludes, “Clearly there is a lot resting on the shoulders of Titus.” But Paul must feel that he is fully capable of the task.

Several commentators weigh in on the way Titus is introduced in this letter by Paul. Knight notes that Titus 1:4 describes Titus as “my true child according to a common faith, which is identical to the way Timothy is addressed in 2 Tim 1:2 with the addition of 'common' before 'faith.' ...Paul may use it in reference to Titus, not to Timothy, because of the need to remind Titus, the churches on Crete, and the false teachers 'of the circumcision' (1:10; cf. v. 14) that Titus the uncircumcised Greek and Paul the Hebrew of Hebrews share the same faith...Titus, no less than circumcised Timothy, is Paul's spiritual son in this shared faith, and it is to him as such than Paul writes the letter.”

Historically, the description tells us little about Titus. While it is possible that Paul speaks in this way because Titus was a convert of his, the attached qualifier, 'in our common faith,' really established the spiritual basis for kinship (i.e., faith in Christ rather than blood or legal adoption), with the probable implication of Titus's loyalty and fidelity to Paul's gospel. Of course these are important affirmations for Titus...Titus is obligated to serve Paul as a faithful son would a father.”

Lea and Griffin: “Our lack of information about Titus stands in contrast with the reasonably full picture of Timothy...Paul's designation of Titus as a 'true son'...may suggest Titus was one of Paul's converts. The word 'son' is the same word used in connection with Timothy, but the appending of the adjective 'true' seems to suggest that Titus may have been a genuine Pauline convert...Paul seems to have used Titus as an effective troubleshooter in delicate situations. His performance under such pressure appears to have been superlative. Despite the positive evidences of his usefulness in Christian service, Titus remains a lesser-known character in the New Testament.”

Although we know Paul was married, there is no mention in the New Testament of him having any biological children. Thus, it is doubly important to consider those very few disciples whom Paul chose to consider his spiritual sons. Besides Titus, that quite select list includes only two other co-workers of Paul: Timothy (see I Corinthians 17; Philippians 2:22; I Timothy 1:2,18; and II Timothy 1:2;2:1) and Onesimus (Philemon 10).

As to what seems to be, according to some, missing in the Pastoral Letters, Lea and Griffin explain: “Paul may have refrained from extensive discussion of the heresy [of incipient Gnosticism] because he assumed that Timothy and Titus did not need additional instruction answering the vague speculations. They had proven themselves competent enough in discussions to respond without additional help from Paul.”

Quinn, who throughout his commentary on the Book of Titus expresses skepticism regarding its historical nature, is somewhat at a loss as how to treat Titus 3:12-15. He notes the appropriateness and apparent authentic nature of these closing personal comments. The best he can suggest, and it is little better than a shot in the dark, is the following hypothetical chain of events: “An authentic, brief dispatch from Paul in the mid-sixties of the first Christian century would, according to this reconstruction, serve to frame a reworking and reapplication of Pauline traditions twenty years later. If in fact Luke was the redactor-author of the PE as well as a member of Paul's entourage in the apostle's last years, one would need to look no further for the one who had drafted and then preserved a copy of such a memorandum, Pauline in content, Hellenistic in form. Luke's intimate connection with the origin of the dispatch and letter of recommendation would have warranted his later and different use of it.”

As you can see, some biblical skeptics are more willing to believe rather complicated and unlikely scenarios filled with unproved hypotheses rather than simply taking what is written there at face value.

Church Traditions

And for those who would like to know what happened to Titus after that point in his life, the best we have are some later traditions recorded in Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History. These explain that Titus ended up ultimately returning to Crete, where he became a church bishop and remained until his old age.

 

Friday, December 12, 2025

READING RUTH

There are as many proposed methods for studying this book as there are biblical scholars. One thing almost universally accepted, however, is the fact that our present four-chapter division of this short story is a good approximation of the four “acts” in the narrative. And almost as universally recognized is the close relationship between the opening and closing chapters. See my earlier posts titled “Ruth: Introduction to the Literary Structure” and “Alternative Organization for the Book of Ruth.”

In most good stories (and the Book of Ruth is recognized as a small literary masterpiece by a number of prominent literary scholars), whether fictional or factually based, the main character undergoes some sort of development, for good or bad, during the course of the plot. But one unusual thing can be noted in this brief account, Ruth herself appears to undergo no development at all. From the very start to the conclusion she remains exactly the same woman dedicated to her mother-in-law Naomi, determined to follow her anywhere she goes and obeying all her advice to the letter.

However, the same cannot be said for Naomi herself, who goes through a complete transformation as the action ensues. For that reason, my own suggested reading strategy would be to follow her progress through the various events, not Ruth's. I realize that this is certainly not the approach most Jewish scholars have taken over the years. They prefer to concentrate on the “conversion” of Ruth from paganism to Judaism as an example of the superiority of Jewish beliefs. My suggestion also runs counter to most Christian commentators, who utilize this book almost solely to show how God brought about the earthly line that led eventually to the birth of Jesus the Messiah.

I am not arguing that these two common approaches are incorrect. After all, Ruth certainly can be looked at as the model of all who come to belief in the truth of God's revelation and follow it faithfully throughout their lives. And Matthew, for one, at the beginning of his gospel account mentions Ruth prominently among the earthly progenitors of Jesus, including other non-Jews such as Rahab and Bathsheba. In this manner, Matthew subtly underscores the fact that Jesus Christ is the Savior of all mankind, not just the Jews.

However, looking at this book from a purely literary viewpoint, one must strongly consider the possibility that the major character is the one who undergoes some sort of mental or spiritual transformation, and that can only apply to Naomi. So what happens once one looks at her as the “heroine” of the story? This can best be seen by comparing what we know about her in Chapter 1 and what we subsequently read in Chapter 4.

In keeping with Jewish norms at the time, I think we are safe in saying that the decision for Naomi and her family to leave Bethlehem in favor of a totally pagan land that promised more material welfare was made by her husband Elimelech without consulting her much, if at all. But there she lost in succession not only her husband, but her two sons also. At that point she appears to be in a serious state of depression since she tells her two daughters-in-laws to forget about her since she has nothing left to offer them other than exile in a foreign land (as she was exiled in a foreign land herself). This attitude does not reflect on her religious priorities much, since she would be in effect be damning her daughters-in-law to a pagan life. But it is perhaps forgivable in her self-adsorbed state of mind at the time.

Naomi, in Chapter 1, even goes as far as making a bitter speech to the women in Bethlehem when she arrives, moaning and groaning about the horrible way God has treated her. She asks them to refrain from calling her Naomi (meaning 'pleasant' in Hebrew) any more, but call her Mara ('bitter') instead.

Jumping ahead to the end of the story, we see several startling changes in Naomi's outlook on life. Again, the chorus of women appears, this time to point out to Naomi that she should bless God for his gracious provision of giving her a protector in the person of Boaz as well as a faithful daughter-in-law “who loves you, who is more to you than seven sons.”

In addition, whereas in Ruth 1:12 she complains that it is too late in life for her to have another son, in 4:16 she and the women treat Ruth's son Obed as if he were Naomi's son instead of Ruth's. We could also count as another reversal the fact that whereas at the start of the story Naomi appears as a more or less passive participant in the events, through the subsequent events it becomes obvious that it is due to her carefully orchestrating all of Ruth's moves that the happy resolution of the story became possible.

While we are contrasting Ruth 1 and 4 with one another, there are striking comparisons as well. If one looks at the two daughters-in-law, remember that only one remained faithful to her mother-in-law. Whereas Ruth chose to follow Naomi wherever she went and share her fate, Orpah decided instead to stay in her own familiar culture rather than striking out into the unknown. Commentators have generally labeled Orpah as unfaithful and rather selfish in her actions. Interestingly, we see the same sort of situation toward the start of Chapter 4 in comparing the two suitors for Ruth's hand. Compared to Boaz, the other unnamed near-kin wants to claim her land but not with the accompanying stipulations.

In conclusion, my modest and tongue-in-cheek proposal is that the book should be renamed Naomi rather than Ruth in order to better bring out the main theme.

 

Wednesday, December 10, 2025

REASON BEHIND THE TEN COMMANDMENTS (DEUTERONOMY 5:25,33; 6:24)

When we hear the word “command,” today. most of us tend to bristle at the idea that anyone else can have the nerve to command us to do anything. I remember as a kid during summertime wanting to spend as much time as possible at the public pool within walking distance of our house. Inside the pool area was a posting list of things forbidden to do and those commanded to do if we didn't want to be kicked out by the lifeguard.

I learned from my personal observations and those of a good friend of mine who during high school worked there part time that there were more than a few kids who took this list of forbidden behavior (no horseplay, no running around the pool area, no swimming directly beneath the diving boards, no peeing in the pool, etc.) as a checklist to see how many of these, in their mind quite arbitrarily imposed, commands they could break without the lifeguard catching them. They were even inventive enough to come up with new violations of public decency and hygiene (which I will not describe) in which to engage.

So getting to the specific issue of God's commands for the chosen people as outlined in Exodus and Deuteronomy, what was really behind these ten items as their real reason for their existence other than just providing another chance for God to demonstrate His absolute power over humanity to either bless or punish?

The underlying motivation is actually spelled out quite clearly in Deuteronomy 5:25,33:

        “...that it might go well with them and with their children forever.”

        “...that you may live, and that it my go well with you, and that you may live long in the land which you shall possess.”

And after some more specific commands are outlined in addition to these ten, we run into the important formulation given in Deuteronomy 6:24:

        “And the LORD commanded us to do all these statutes, to fear the LORD our God, for our good always, that he might preserve us alive, as at this day.”

Since these three promises basically say the same thing, below I will lump together a number of citations from the scholarly literature which comment on one or another of these three verses, starting with the briefest and ending with the most detailed.

Harrison: “The prescribed statutes and ordinances are uniformly conducive to a clean, just and holy life (cf. 10:13).”

Weinfeld: “These rewords are characteristic of Deuteronomy...What is peculiar here is the accumulation of benefits: life, goodness, and longevity.”

Cousins: “Verses 32,33 [of Deuteronomy 5] are typically deuteronomic in their warmth and urgency and stress on national and individual blessing as the fruit of obedience...Integral to the situation [of 6:20-25) are the divine commandments (24) which are indeed part of God's gracious provision and bring blessing. This OT 'gospel' entails obedience.”

Kaiser: “These commandments were to be stored in one's heart (Deut. 6:6) and taught to one generation after another (Deut. 6:7-9,20-25). Only in observing and obeying these precepts would Israel enjoy life to its fullest. (Note the three purpose clauses in Deut. 5:33).”

Wright: “Obedience to the law is not only a duty, but is constantly buttressed by the 'utilitarian' consideration that it will produce the greatest happiness of the greatest number. This is the thrust of the exhortations in Deut (e.g., 4:40; 5:33; 6:24-25; 30:15-20, etc.).”

Watts: “Capturing Deuteronomy's thoroughgoing integration of righteousness and the good, Moses instructs them that if they do what is 'right and good' (6:8; cf. Deut. 30:15), all will go well (6:21-25). But it can take place only in the context of the steadfast loyalty of covenant love toward God, which, in keeping his commandments, issues forth in embodying his benevolence by acting lovingly toward one's neighbor.”

Bruckner: “The people sin, fail, hope, persevere, reconcile and struggle. In the midst of the ambiguity, however, clear reasons for good actions are expressed, both in the realm of the 'natural' order of creation and in response to God's acts of redemption: (Gen 4:7a NRSV) and Deut. 5:33 [among others].”

Thompson: “There was no questioning that obligation [to keep God's laws] if she were to continue in her proper relationship with Yahweh. But there were side benefits. When Yahweh was obeyed Israel would enjoy the blessing of life itself, but also her life would be happy and long and would be perpetuated in offspring (5:33; 6:3)...The commandments were designed, not as a burden to be borne, but as the gracious provision by a beneficent Sovereign of a guide to good living.”

Moberly: “The language of faith / belief (pistis, pisteuo), which is of central importance on the NT, does not hold a position of similar importance in the OT. The difference, however, is perhaps more one of terminology than of basic outlook, as the OT widely uses two verbs whose meaning closely approximates to that of 'have faith / believe' in the NT; that is, to 'trust' (bth) and to 'fear' (yr', used overwhelmingly in the sense of moral obedience rather than religious awe, e.g., Gen 22:12; Deut 5:29; Job 28:28).”

Walton: “God's purposes in both law and story are seen to be parallel, 'for our lasting good, so as to keep us alive' (Deut 6:24). Law is to be obeyed, not just because Gd says so, but because its serves life and contributes to the well-being of the community...the liberation of Israelite slaves is a central event in Exodus, but it is not the final objective of God's word; redemption is in the service of a new creation. To this end the Exodus narrative moves beyond liberation to new vistas of life and well-being, embodied especially in the gift of the law 'for our good always' (Deut 6:24) and the provision of life-giving worship at the tabernacle for a sinful people.”

Craigie: “The reverence shown now [i.e. at Sinai] was in response to the phenomena accompanying God's revelation, and though it was not thereby any less genuine, it was nevertheless regrettable that the people could not show the same reverence in the more mundane affairs of daily life. It was not only that lack of reverence betrayed the wrong attitude to God, but also that such a lack was not good for the people themselves...at first reading, the emphasis on law in Deuteronomy may seem severe, but the purpose of the law and of obedience to the law was a lofty one. The good life, for the Israelites, lay in obedience to the law and of God rendered out of love...Both the acts and the words of God revealed his concern and his purpose for his people. Both the acts and the words imposed a responsibility on God's people, to revere and obey God in order that they might continue to experience his presence in history and continue to hear his words.”




 

Monday, December 8, 2025

II CORINTHIANS 5:13

 

II Corinthians 5:13

This confusing verse takes the form of Hebrew poetry known as antithetic parallelism in which all the individual units of each line are presented in the same order, but one or more of the elements is contrasted. In the NRSV this verse reads:

    “If we are beside ourselves, it is for God,

     If we are in our right mind, it is for you.”

The first thing to note is that these are the first two of nine uses of the formulation “for, on behalf of (hyper) someone” in II Corinthians 5:13-21. Thus, that appears to represent one of the key thoughts found in the second half of Chapter 5. The different actors and recipients involved in these various statements can be summarized as follows:

        Paul and Timothy (“we”) for God          (13a)

        Paul and Timothy for the church            (13b)

        Christ for all                                            (14, 15a)

        believers not for themselves                   (15b)

        believers for Christ                                 (15c)

        Christ for believers                                 (15d)

        Paul and Timothy for Christ                   (20a)

        Christ for believers                                  (21)
There is a form of symmetry in these occurrences in that the negative formulation in v. 15b separates two groups of four positive statements each. Most of these are self-obvious in meaning, except for the first two cited above. So what is Paul talking about in II Corinthians 5:13? The following scholars weigh in on that question, with notable lack of agreement.

The first thing to discuss is the meaning of the Greek word hyper. Stott says, “The preposition 'for' can translate either hyper ('on behalf of') or anti ('instead of'). Most of the references have hyper...The two prepositions do not always adhere to their dictionary definitions, however. Even the broader word hyper ('on behalf of') is many times shown by its context to be used in the sense of anti ('instead of'), as, for example, when we are said to be 'ambassadors of Christ' (2 Cor. 5:20)...The same is clear in...'God made him who had no sin to be sin for us' (2 Cor. 5:2)...and God declined to 'impute' our sins to us, or 'count' them against us (2 Cor 5:19) with the implication that he imputed them to Christ instead.”

Much also depends on the meaning of the phrase “beside ourselves,” a subject on which commentators are divided:

Furnish explains: “Used intransitively, as here, the verb existanai means 'to lose one's mind,' 'to be beside oneself,' etc. Paul employs this verb nowhere else, but in Mark 3:21 it is used in the same way with references to allegations that Jesus was 'beside himself' (RSV), that is, 'possessed!'...Here Paul is mindful of the criticism that the authenticity of his apostolate has been supported by no 'religious' evidence in the form of public displays of ecstasy. In response, he disallows the pertinence of ecstatic experiences for the question of apostleship (v. 13a), and emphasizes instead the commitment of his apostleship to the preaching of the gospel (v. 11a) and to the care of those who have received it (v. 13b).”

The first point to note is rather obviously stated by Knox: “Beside ourselves no doubt refers to a criticism leveled against Paul.” But there is some disagreement regarding what in Paul's actions prompted such a criticism in the first place. Thus, we have the conflicting opinions reflected below.

“Paul's opponents may have derided Paul for lack of ecstatic experiences (12. 1,12), to which Paul answers by distinguishing between being beside ourselves (having an ecstatic experience), and being in our right mind. The former has to do with God; the latter has to do with his ministry with the Corinthians. Cf. 1 Cor 14:2-5, 18-19, 27-28.” (Wan)

“Paul says in 1 Cor. 14:18 that he was no stranger to speaking in tongues. Hence some have seen in 2 Cor. 5:13 a reference to ecstatic speech. In that case the thought would be the same as in 1 Cor. 14:19. It is more probable that Paul is defending himself against the charge of having exaggerated his authority above measure.” (Mundle)

Jerusalem Bible: “Paul is taxed with 'folly'; he retorts that this is in God's cause. But he adds that he can be 'reasonable' when he wishes, for the sake of his children in Christ.”

O'Brien: “Paul himself practiced glossolalia [speaking in tongues] (1 Cor 14:18; 2 Cor 5:13, possibly), but he downplays the gift in favor of prophecy which edifies the congregation.”

“To affirm his sincerity, Paul was willing to be thought a fool (cf. 11:16-17, 21). Who but one out of his mind ('insane'; cf. 11:23; Mark 3:21) would show such disregard for himself? (cf. 4:9-13) Would a sane man willingly face a riotous mob intent on destroying him...Only a person who was so utterly devoted to God would show so little regard for himself. Such a man was Paul.” (Lowery)

Clines says, “If he was ever beside himself, lost in spiritual ecstasy (had his critics also said he was crazy? cf. 11:16), that was for God's sake; if he was in his right mind, that was for the Corinthians' sake.”

Tasker expresses his opinion on the subject in the following words: “In this difficult verse Paul seems to be telling the Corinthians that they should gladly rally to his defense if only because, in all his dealings with them, he had never shown any sign of wishing to please himself. They had seen him in many moods. Sometimes, as he spoke at their meetings under the stress of great spiritual emotion, they must have thought that he was beside himself, lost in ecstasy; but he had never sought glory for himself because of such experiences. Rather did they redound to the glory of God, the dative to God being probably a dative of advantage...Other scholars consider that the reference in the phrase beside ourselves is not to excessive devotional fervor, but to extravagant self-commendation.”

Paul's detractors are evidently making such a charge against him (Mk. 3:21). In both his intense enthusiasm and times of spiritual ecstasy (12:1f), and in his more sober moments, Paul is never out for his own ends...it is for God and His glory and for you and your spiritual benefit.” (Hillyer)

You may have noted that in the above opinions, even those who feel that being beside oneself refers to having an ecstatic experience disagree as to whether the criticism leveled against Paul was because he had such experiences or didn't have them. In the face of all the diverse opinions above, the most cautious approaches to understanding this verse are perhaps best expressed below.

Hughes: “Whatever his state or disposition, Paul, in contrast to his critics, is entirely free from self-interest: if in an ecstatic condition, it is to God; if sober-minded, it is for the Corinthians' sake. The question as to what precisely Paul meant by being beside himself, or in a state of ecstasy, is one which we are not in a position to decide with assurance. It is at least clear, however, that the two verbs which he uses stand in contradistinction to each other as opposites, and it is also apparent that the former describes a state which is directed towards God, while the latter is related to those to whom he ministers.”

Martin: “On the surface, it comes into view that no matter the state of Paul''s mind or disposition, he does nothing for himself; all is done for God and the Corinthians. But under the surface is the mystery of what he means by existasthai, 'to be out of one's mind.' The total understanding of this passage may be beyond our grasp.” After discarding several proposed interpretations, Martin concludes: “Paul is dividing into two categories his behavior toward God, namely, ecstatic; and toward the Corinthians, namely, rational and controlled...This then, is the closest we can come to getting underneath the surface to the meaning of this verse.”


Saturday, December 6, 2025

I CORINTHIANS 16:22

Even those who have been able to cruise through the KJV of I Corinthians almost to the end without much trouble in understanding it, will probably grind to a halt with this verse, which contains two puzzling foreign words which are not translated into English at all, but merely transliterated:

    “If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha.”

There are at least four key words in this short verse worth considering in more detail.

This verse provides an excellent example of the great value of a good Greek-English word-book in helping us understand the background and meaning of the the original words in the New Testament, whatever English translation we may prefer using. Thus, in this case, I am limiting my citations to articles found in (a) Vine's Expository Dictionary of New Testament Words, a very popular but older, one-volume resource and The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, a more recently published three-volume scholarly work edited by Colin Brown.

The Setting

There is some disagreement among scholars regarding the original context for the comments in this verse, and the answer has some bearing on the use of the four words given below.

Although some liberal Bible scholars have argued that the title 'Lord' (kyrios) for Jesus arose in a latter Hellenistic setting, “in favor of a Palestinian [origin] is the Aramaic formula maranatha...The ascription of lordship to Christ in this Aramaic formula indicates that Jesus was already called Lord in Palestinian Christianity at an early date.” (Bietenhard)

If the above is true, then what is the specific early setting in which these words were originally used? Below is Kloppert's reasoning on this subject.

“Parts of the introductory liturgy to the celebration of the primitive Christian meal are to be found in 1 Cor. 11:26ff; 16:20-23; and Rev. 22:17-21. Paul concludes 1 Cor. with a series of liturgical phrases – the invitation to the holy kiss (1 Cor. 16:20; Rom. 16:16). The anathema at the beginning of the celebration of the meal excluded the unworthy from the Lord's Supper (1 Cor. 16:22b). To strengthen this there followed the Maranatha (1 Cor. 16:22b), which called upon the kyrios to be present ('Our Lord, come!'; cf. Rev. 22:20). Even if the church with this call 'our Lord, come!' was praying for the Lord's eschatological coming, this did not exclude the presence of the exalted Lord at the Lord's Supper, but rather assumed it. The achri hou elthe ('until he comes') of 1 Cor. 11:26 clearly reflects the Maranatha of the Lord's Supper liturgy...”

But Colin Brown has more to say on this subject, beginning with: “Several writers have seen the possibility of an alternative or complementary setting to that of the Lord's Supper.” Among these he includes a context of cursing, “an invocation that the Lord would soon come in judgment to redress wrong and establish right;” and “the first Christian prayer group looking back to Matt. 18:30.”

love”

“Phileo is to be distinguished from agapao in this, that phileo more nearly represents tender affection. The two words are used for the love of the Father for the Son; for the believer; both of Christ's love for a certain disciple...Yet the distinction between the two words remains, and they are never used indiscriminately in the same passage; if each is used with reference to the same objects, as just mentioned, each word retains its distinctive and essential character. (Vine)

Gunther and Link: “In 1 Cor. 16:22 phileo is clearly used of love for the Lord Jesus...By contrast, agape and agapao are used in nearly every case in the NT to speak of God's relationship with man...”

Lord”

Vine states, “Kurios, properly an adjective, signifying power (kuros) or authority, is used as a noun.” He then gives biblical examples illustrating the seven different types of people to which this term can refer, including: owner, master, Emperor or King, idols (in an ironic sense), father, husband, stranger, God, and Jesus. He does not, however, specifically indicate which of these applies to its use in I Corinthians 16:22, but from the context it is obviously the last listed possibility

See Mundle's comments below concerning maranatha for more concerning the meaning of “Lord.”

Anathema”

Vine: “Anathema, transliterated from the Greek, is frequently used in the Sept[uagint], where it translates the Heb. cherem, a thing devoted to God, whether (a) for His service...or (b) for its destruction, as an idol...Later it acquired the more general meaning of the disfavor of Jehovah, e.g. Zech. 14:11. This is the meaning in the N.T. It is used of (a) the sentence pronounced, Acts 23:14..; (b) of the object on which the curse is laid...Rom. 9:3; I Cor. 12:3; 16:22, Gal. 1:8,9...”

“The LXX uses anathema regularly to translate the Heb. herem, ban, what is bound...What is banned (person or things) is directly given up to God...Paul takes over a restricted use of anathema from the LXX: the cursed thing, what has been dedicated to destruction...As G. Bornkamm has shown convincingly, the curse formula in 1 Cor. 16:22, like the remaining formulae at the end of 1 Cor. stems from the liturgy of the Lord's Supper. The anathema calls upon those participating to test their faith – which finds expression in their love to the Lord – before the meal so that before the partaking of it the unworthy may be excluded (cf. 1 Cor. 11:28). The formula eto anathema ('let him be anathema;' RSV 'accursed') is not a 'disciplinary order' of some human court to prosecute an unworthy person. Rather it pronounces for a specific case the sentence that comes from God and delivers the offender to the punishment of God.” (Aust and Muller)

Maranatha”

Vine explains this as “an expression used in I Cor. 16:22.., the Greek spelling for two Aramaic words, formerly supposed by some to be an imprecatory utterance or 'a curse reinforced by a prayer,' an idea contrary to the intimations conveyed by its use in early Christian documents...Certain Aramaic scholars regard the last part as consisting of 'tha,' and regard the phrase as a ejaculation, 'Our Lord, come,' or 'O Lord, come.' The character of the context, however, indicates that the Apostle is making a statement rather than expressing a desire or uttering a prayer.”

“Its precise meaning is disputed...Either we take it as a perfect (maran 'atha), i.e. our Lord has come, or as an imperative (marana ta), i.e. our Lord come! Other meanings are unlikely...most expositors still regard the Jerusalem church as the most likely source of the phrase. Moreover, if this is so, it suggests that the term Lord is to be understood against a Jewish raather than a syncretistic background.” (Mundle)

And in another article, Mundle says that “the certainty that Jesus will come again in power and glory belongs to the Easter message...The strength of this hope which fills the whole NT is shown by the prayer-cry maranatha (I Cor. 16:22) which was an early Aram. expression meaning 'Our Lord, come!' It is reflected in the prayer at the end of Rev.: 'Come, Lord Jesus!' (22:20).”

Conclusion

Aust and Muller combine three of these key terms together in the following statement: “The anathema means a call to self-examination...Cf. maranatha which with its reference to the heavenly Lord further emphasizes the anathema.”

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

CHEMISTS AND THE CHRISTIAN FAITH

 

Chemists and Christian Faith

“For Jews demand signs and Greeks seek wisdom...” (I Corinthians 1:22, RSV)

“Your life of faith is a response to God's power, not to some fancy mental or emotional footwork by me or anyone else.” (I Corinthians 2:4-5, The Message)

“What we see now is like a dim image in a mirror; then we shall see face-to-face. What we know now is only partial; then it will be complete – as complete as God's knowledge of me.” (I Corinthians 13:12; TEV)

“We know these things are true by believing, not by seeing.” (II Corinthians 5:7, The Living Bible)

“Let us draw near to God with a sincere heart and with the full assurance that faith brings...” (Hebrews 10:22, NIV)

“Faith gives substance to hour hopes, and makes us certain of realities we do not see.” (Hebrews 11:1, NEB)

There is no way anyone should talk on such a broad subject as faith and science since there are as many types of scientists as there are different kinds of faith. So I have narrowed down the subject somewhat. But even then, one cannot very well speak in generalities that apply in all cases, as I shall demonstrate.

Two PhD chemists I wish to contrast are a colleague of mine at work and myself. And even within the specific field of chemistry, there is a world of difference between its practitioners depending on the specialty within chemistry which they practice.

Two Types of Chemists

Let me start with my now-deceased friend Jim. He was a physical chemist by training, meaning that he could almost be described by outsiders as a theoretical mathematician. His job was to endlessly crunch numbers on his sophisticated, high power computer. His work was highly valued by our engineers in optimally designing and operating chemical production plants. But for his results to be at all meaningful, he needed to input a host of precise data. So others would provide him with information such as relative boiling points, heat capacities, and thermodynamic data. He would then combine these with the proper mathematical formulae and tell them exactly how tall their distillation columns should be, compute the optimum temperature to maintain in their reactors, etc. And as many working in such rarefied atmospheres where only he in the whole company could understand what he was doing, his brain tended to work on a different plane as others so that on occasion his social skills appeared to be a bit lacking.

Now let me describe briefly my own type of work. Whereas Jim was at the end of the long process toward commercializing a product, I was at the very front end. My job as a synthetic organic chemist was to come up with brand new useful products for the company or devise completely different synthetic routes to existing ones. Therefore, instead of requiring exact quantitative data before even starting my work (as did Jim), I would begin by asking myself such open-ended questions as: I wonder if anyone earlier has done similar work on which I can piggyback? What if I tried this? Maybe I could combine two steps together into one? I bet if I did this instead, it might work? In other words, instead of it being a straightforward problem in which one only had to have the necessary mathematical data and appropriate equations, the process I used was a highly speculative one, based more on hunches, educated guesses, and trial-and-error attempts. And even the unsuccessful attempts would often unexpectedly give me additional guidance as to what might work instead or lead me off into a completely different fruitful investigation.

Both Jim and myself were Christians, but in our approach to faith we were also worlds apart.

Two Approaches to Christian Faith

I will freely admit that having faith is somewhat of a mystery. I was raised in a rather fundamentalist church in which the various “proofs” given for Christianity were as transparently flawed as the occasional potshots taken at scientists in general. I took it all in somewhat amusedly but still saw behind all of it in order to discern a core of truth that couldn't be denied.

I did make one misguided attempt during junior high when I thought I could combine my budding interest in science with my belief in the Bible to determine mathematically the exact distance between earth and heaven from an obscure reference in Revelation 8:1 to a ½ hour silence. As I recall, I calculated heaven to be located somewhere between the orbits of two of the outer planets in our solar system.

But for the next few years I suppose it could be said that I basically divorced my life as a scientist from my life as a Christian and treated the two as being on somewhat separate planes which in no way interacted with one another. I didn't feel the need to “prove” my faith in any way since it was very real to me already, but on the other hand I tended to steer away from the more intellectual arguments advanced by atheists to disprove Christian belief. It was sort of like the old story of the man who accidentally fell off a high cliff in the dark, but managed to grab hold of something halfway down that stopped his fall. However, he was afraid to look up to see what it was, for fear that it didn't exist.

Turning to my friend Jim, I am not sure what attracted him to Christianity to begin with, but I am willing to bet it was reading one of the sensational books that began to come out in the 1960's making outrageous and total unsubstantiated claims as to discovering Noah's ark, analyzing Christ's blood, the secret plans in Israel to rebuild the temple, predicting mathematically the exact date of the Second Coming, etc. etc. These all had the outward appearance of concrete proofs which appealed to someone of Jim's professional bent.

All I know is that by the time I began to know him, there were two subjects which interested him immensely: the Shroud of Turin and biblical prophecies giving the exact date of the establishment of the modern state of Israel. I advised him to be cautious in accepting the first artifact as absolute proof of the resurrection of Jesus. My reasoning had to do with simple fact that if scientists did in fact manage to demonstrate that the power of His resurrection had scorched the cloth as Christ left this earthly sphere, the subject of faith would become moot and all those intelligent people in the world would soon become Christians based on factual evidence alone. The only remaining “unbelievers” would be those who were too dense to understand the import of the discovery or never got the opportunity to hear of it.

Sure enough, even Jim had to bow to the facts when a team of respectable scientists in several fields demonstrated that the cloth itself dated to later than the time of Christ, and the image on the cloth was caused by applied pigments, not by charring. After that discovery, Jim's Christianity was put on the back burner for a while until he came across a popular account by someone claiming that it was easy to piece together passages in the Old Testament to show that centuries before the event, the Bible predicted to the very day when Israel would once again be the home of the Jews in the 1950's, thus starting the timetable from which a good estimate could be obtained of the time when Jesus' return to earth would occur.

Jim's faith was greatly rejuvenated when he read it. He became wildly excited about this discovery since it “proved” that the biblical prophecies were true, in which case everything in the Bible must be true also.

Reactions to Opposition

As for myself, as I mentioned above, for years I went out of my way not to read or listen to any criticisms of the Bible, and I am sure that my motive was fear of my utter inability to counter the arguments of skeptics. It took me a long time to become secure enough in my faith to confront any opposition directly. But the few times I did go to the trouble to wrestle with some contentions of atheists, I was pleasantly surprised with how sophomoric their arguments were and how easy it was to use simple logic and facts to dissipate their criticisms. In addition, I soon learned that many of these critics knew full well that they were shading the facts and advancing fallacious argument in order to convince others. In fact, I found out that in some rather notorious cases, their supposed high-minded intellectual atheism was in reality rooted in their unwillingness to have their often hedonistic lifestyles cramped in any way.

The more I went out of my way to collect every “biblical contradiction and objection” I could find on the internet and investigate it for myself, the more I became convinced of the truth of the Bible. (My investigations are summarized in over 120 separate posts on this blogsite, many beginning with the keyword “Contradictions”). There was a once popular Christian book that came out in which the author challenged his readers to start out with a stance of faith as a working hypothesis and then experiment in their lives to see what would result with that starting point. It was not exactly the orthodox approach to faith and actually had more correspondence to the way in which a scientist works. However, you might try it some time and see what happens.

Moving on to Jim, it became obvious (at least to me) that he sensed deep down that his faith might be ill-founded, and therefore he was desperately looking for some concrete proof on which to base it. So it was interesting and a little disheartening to see how he reacted to criticism of his new discovery of the proof of the Bible through the prediction of the time the Jews would return to their land.

I asked him to provide me with a copy of the detailed reasoning behind this amazing example of fulfilled prophecy about which he had read. My response is found in an earlier post titled “Ezekiel 4:4-8.” In it I carefully pointed out all the fallacies, half-truths, and out-and-out lies in each of the six separate steps or assumptions that had been cobbled together from various places in the Bible, all of which had to be correct in order for the prophecy come out to the proper time of that event. Jim's totally unexpected response to me was “Well, it does give the right answer, doesn't it?” That is akin to saying that two wrongs make a right, only in this case it was six wrongs. I couldn't believe that this comment came from someone whose whole chosen profession depended on absolutely accurate data and precise reasoning.

Resulting Behavior

As might be expected, whereas I eventually got to the point where I welcomed dialogue with skeptics, Jim withdrew more and more into himself, isolating himself from old acquaintances, skeptics and loyal churchgoers alike, since he didn't know how to act or what to say when they disagreed with him on any subject, minor or major, whether it involve religion or politics.

I am not trying to put myself on any sort of pedestal as a paragon of faith, since it took a long while for God to work on me, but fortunately for me, and unlike Jim, I just happened to live long enough to see the process through.

Monday, December 1, 2025

I KINGS 9:10-14

This stand-alone passage discusses some financial negotiations between Kings Hiram and Solomon taking place during the construction of the Temple. Despite the brevity of the passage which appears to interrupt the main story, numerous problems arise in attempting to understand it. These include contradictions with the parallel account in II Chronicles, the meaning of the place-name Cabul, why Hiram was dissatisfied with the deal, the value of the gold Hiram gave Solomon, how the account reflects on the character of Solomon, the meaning of the term 'brother,' whether this was intended as an etiological (i.e. explaining the origin of a name or practice) narrative, and whether v. 14 is misplaced in the account. Most of these issues will be briefly discussed below.

However, there is an additional interesting fact concerning which I have yet to read any comments in the scholarly literature. So I will leave it up to the reader as an exercise to ponder over. Namely, is there any significance to the many times the number two appears in this short passage (“twenty” in v. 10a; “two” in 10b; “twenty in v. 11”; and “one hundred and twenty” in v. 14)?

Since some of the writers cited below comment on more than one of the many questions this passage invokes, some of those given below may not be strictly presented according to the stated topics.

Brother”

Concerning the fact that Hiram calls Solomon his “brother,” Cogan says it is “a term common in diplomatic parlance, expressing the relationship between parties of equal status, often formalized in treaty.”

But Hamilton suggests a possibly broader definition of the term: Hiram, king of Tyre, called Solomon his brother (I Kgs 9:13). Brother may, in such an instance, be a covenant term (note that Hiram 'was on friendly terms with ['loved,' NIV] David,' I Kgs 5:15).” And the NIV translation prepares us for the following comment:

House: “Solomon and Hiram's friendship lasts as long as both men live...These verses express the strength of the alliance's bonds, for Solomon is not presented in a favorable way here...This episode shows a conniving side of Solomon. Readers may wonder whether he is completely trustworthy. Still, Hiram continues to work with Solomon (cf. 9:26-28).”

Value of the Gold

It is sometimes difficult to pin down exactly the worth of gold in ancient times and express it in modern equivalences.

Wakely states: “Much of the gold used in the construction process [for the temple] was obtained through the taxation of caravans and through profits from state monopolies or franchises (I Kgs. 10:15). Some was acquired by ceding twenty cities in Galilee to Hiram, king of Tyre, who paid 120 talents (about 4.5 tons) of gold (9:10-14).”

For comparison purposes, I Kings 10:14 indicates that the yearly tribute Solomon received from his regions amounted to 666 talents of gold. (Shepherd)

As to the worth of 120 talents, Stinespring says that “the value of a gold talent has been roughly estimated at thirty thousand dollars.” If that estimate is correct, then the gold Hiram had sent to Solomon for his building projects amounted to 3.6 million dollars.

A footnote in the Living Bible similarly values the gold at $3.5 million. On the other hand, LaSor calculates it to be about $5 million.

As to the placement of the mention of gold in v. 14, Cogan treats it as “a footnote referring back to v. 11a, where an unspecified amount of gold is first mentioned.”

Cabul, or Kabul

Perhaps the biggest bone of contention in this passage concerns the exact meaning of this obscure Hebrew term, which appears to be a derogatory one used by Hiram when he inspected the region of the twenty cities he had obtained.

Various English translations attempt to handle this problems different ways:

    NRSV provides a footnote stating: “perhaps meaning a land good for nothing.”

    NEB footnote reads: “sterile land.”

    The Living Bible translates the term as “The Wasteland.”

    And The Message calls it “backwoods hick towns.”

TEV provides additional information by stating: “The name sounds like 'ke-bal,' the Hebrew for 'worthless'.” And NIV alludes to the same derivation of the word.

Stinespring treats this passage as “an interlude; a story told to explain the origin of a name. The meaning Cabut is not known; 'like nothing' is as good a conjecture as any.”

Similarly, Motyer identifies the region in question as “a border city in the tribal location of Asher (Jos. xix. 27), situated 10 miles north-east of Carmel The ironic use in 1 Ki ix. 13 probably rests on a popular etymology signifying 'as nothing' (Heb kebal).”

On the other hand, in light of its location, “Montgomery (following LXX [i.e. the ancient Greek translation]) suggests 'border' (Heb. gebul) or 'march-land'.” (Martin) And in the same vein, LaSor explains: “A popular etymology has been suggested meaning 'like nothing', but this once-accepted explanation is now questioned.”

One factor causing this majority opinion to be questioned is expressed by Cogan: “Hiram's dissatisfaction with the conveyance is inexplicable for, whatever the root meaning of Cabul may be, the district can hardly be considered to have been poor, with its cities and the fertile agricultural land of the plain of Acco...Perhaps the deprecatory remark may be taken as the editor's intending to counteract (or at least soften) the negative political implications of the loss of Israelite territory to Hiram.”

Since verses 10-14 appear to be a stand-alone literary unit which the surrounding narrative could have probably done without, it is often treated as an independent etiological story (i.e. one told to explain the origin of a name or custom). But working against that assumption, is the comment of Cogan, who points out, “Unlike the typical name-etiology, in which the name is usually etymologized (cf. Exod 2:10; 1 Sam 1:20; 4:21-22), in the present instance, Cabul is not explained and remains inexplicable.”

Kings and Chronicles

Lastly, we have to consider the differences between the parallel accounts in Kings and Chronicles. As LaSor writes, “This passage has caused much difficulty, particularly in the light of the parallel in Chronicles.”

I will begin with an overview of the subject by Williamson: “Earlier scholars who thought that both Kings and Chronicles drew independently on a common source had little difficulty in harmonizing this apparent discrepancy, the commonest suggestion being that Hiram released the cities to Solomon (so that Chronicles retains the sequel to the Kings accord), either because he was not satisfied with them, or because all along the intention had been to pay in gold, so that the cities 'may have been collateral until the time when payment could be made in gold' (Myers). The assumption of an independent source common to both Kings and Chronicles has now been generally abandoned however...it would be generally agreed today that in a case such as this the Chronicler was working from some form of the text of Kings. Consequently, most scholars argue that the Chronicler was embarrassed by the story in Kings; it is thought he would not have approved of Solomon parting with any of the land of Israel or have found credible the suggestion that Solomon was so short of money as to have to 'sell' territory in this way.”

“The entire Cabul passage is rewritten in 2 Chr 8:1-2, where it is Hiram who transfers the cities to Solomon, but this is a face-saving measure conceived by the Chronicler, for whom it was inconceivable that Solomon would have pawned part of the Promised Land.” (Cogan) Mabie similarly notes the impropriety of Solomon ceding part of Asher's territory – 'Yahweh's land' – to Hiram.

Knoppers also comments on II Chronicles 8:1-2, which says that 'Solomon rebuilt the cities that Hiram had given to him, and settled the people of Israel in them' – “This reflects a remarkable reversal of the tradition recorded in 1 Kings 9:11-13.”

What actually happened?

Due to the many uncertainties in this passage (some of which are given above), scholars have a hard time agreeing on what actually happened in the financial transaction between Hiram and Solomon as described in I Kings 9:10-14 and its parallel in II Chronicles. Below are a few attempts to make sense of the passage:

“According to 2 Ch. 8:2 Hiram gave the land to Solomon, interpreted by some to mean that Hiram was displeased with it and returned it.” (LaSor)

“On the historical side, Hiram's supplying of timber is irrelevant; Solomon had paid for that ([I Kings] 5:11). It would seem that Solomon was in financial difficulties and was forced to cede twenty cities to Hiram for a cash consideration.” (Stinespring)

“Solomon's indebtedness, indicated by his attempt to pay Hiram of Tyre by ceding him twenty cities (I Kings 9:10-14), suggests that the taxes in his realm may have been high, since the debts that they were designed to cover were great. Solomon's economic woes may have contributed to his loss of hegemony over Edom and Aram (I Kings 11:14-25) and the loss of Israel that followed (I Kings 11:26-43).” (Cogan)