I Samuel 30 (collage, 1992)
This city figures in to events taking
place over a long period of time, from the reign of Saul to the
return from the Babylonian Exile. But there still is some doubt
regarding the exact location of that town.
“Ziklag appears in Jos. xv. 31 as
being near the Edomite boundary, in the south of Judah. It was
apportioned to the Simeonites, but later fell into Philistine hands.
David, when a Philistine vassal, ruled it and was later able to
retain and incorporate it in his own realm. It remained in the hands
of Judah in both pre-exilic and post-exilic times. Tentative
locations are Zuhailika and Tell al-Khuwailifa, the latter more
favored by modern scholars.” (D.F. Payne) One such scholar is
Pfeiffer, who locates the site as being “in the Negeb about
twenty-five miles southeast of Gaza.”
One the other hand, Tsumura (as well as
McCarter) says that “the site may be the modern Tell esh-Sheriah,
about 20 miles east-southeast of Gaza.” He personally doubts it is
Tell el-Khuwalifa “since that tell seems to be located within the
territory of Judah rather than that of the Philistines.”
And just to add to the list of
possibilities, Myers identifies Ziklag with En-rimmon.
But
in an article in the Winter 2025 issue of Biblical
Archaeology Review,
coauthors Kyle H. Keimer, Gil Davis, Saar Ganor, and Yosef Garfinkel
suggest another strong possibility:
“Over
the years, scholars have identified Ziklag with more than a dozen
sites in southern Israel; most can be disqualified on geographical,
archaeological, or chronological grounds. Although some good
possibilities remain, Khirbet al-Rai offers the strongest evidence
for being biblical Ziklag. Geographically, it fits the description
provided by the biblical text (Joshua 15:31; 19:5; 1 Samuel 27:6;
30:1, 14, 26; 1 Chronicles 4:30; 12:1, 20). Chronologically, it was
occupied during the periods in which Ziklag was mentioned by the
biblical authors. Archaeologically, it has a destruction layer dated
to the late 11th
or early 10th
century, which corresponds nicely with the period of time in which
the Bible says the Amelekites 'burned' Ziklag as retribution for
David's earlier raids against them (1 Samuel 27:8-9; 30:1). Perhaps
most important, there is a distinct change in material culture in the
late 11th
and early 10th
centuries at Khirbed al-Rai, from a mixed Canaanite / Philistine
culture to one that is distinctly Judahite. Indeed, its continued
Judahite identity throughout the rest of the Iron
Age seems to be remembered in 1 Samuel 27:6, which says that Ziklag
belonged to the kings of Judah 'until this day.,' likely referring to
the contemporary seventh-century setting in which the account was
written.”
Another noted
scholar commenting on the time of writing of that phrase says it
“could refer, as the earliest possibility, to the time of Rehoboam
of the late tenth century B.C.” (Tsumura)
Joshua 15:31; 19:5
This city first
appears in the biblical chronicles in the book of Joshua. Whereas
Joshua 13:8-17:18 is the first phase of land allotment, chapters
18-19 reflect the second phase.
I Samuel 27:6
The Philistine
ruler rewards David for his supposed loyalty by giving him the city
of Ziklag as his own. McCarter explains, “The granting of landed
properties to favored servants was a common part of the feudal
economy of the city-states of the ancient Near Eastern Bronze Age.”
As to the effect
of this on David, Baldwin says: “From every point of view it was
good that David should move away from Achish's capital, but
especially because he needed freedom to operate his own independent
policy without being observed too closely...From David's point of
view Ziklag had the advantage of being well away from Saul's
territory and isolated from the Philistine pentapolis...Achish stood
to gain from leaving David's army to protect his southern territory;
he may also have hoped to have won the support of Judah against Saul,
which might have enabled him to take the whole land, as he very
nearly did in the battle of Mount Gilbaeh (1 Sa. 31:7).”
“When
David went raiding from Ziklag, 'he did not leave a man or a woman
alive' (1 Sam 27:11), and when the Amalekites raided Ziklag, they
captured all the women and children related to David's troop.”
(Evans)
David's actions
may seem rather bloodthirsty, but remember that he did not dare to
leave behind any Amalekites alive who could possibly inform David's
overlords, the Philistines, about his double-dealing. For the fact
was that David fully utilized his position at Ziklag, not mainly to
serve the Philistines but instead to serve as “a kind of unofficial
policeman or protector of Judah.” (McCarter)
As to the
underlying importance of this chapter, McCarter says that “the
entire Ziklag pericope may be said to demonstrate a historical bias
for a bond between David and the people of the Judahite Negeb as
surely as the preceding stories do for the Wilderness of Judah and
specifically the area east of Hebron. Taken together these material
prepare us for II Sam 2:1-4, the proclamation of David as king of
Judah.”
I Samuel 30:1,14,26
Stern:
“King Saul made a concerted effort to destroy Amalek, following the
prophet Samuel's call for the ban (1 Sam. 15), but enough Amalekites
survived to destroy David's city of Ziklag (1 Sam. 30.1).
Nevertheless, after Ziklag the Amalekites ceased to trouble Israel. 1
Chronicles 4.42-43 depicts the tribe of Simeon as eradicating the
remnant of Amalek, fulfilling God's earlier promise.”
“The
sight of a burnt-out, totally deserted town [as illustrated in the
collage above] was more than the troops could bear...David...was held
responsible for the disaster, 'for the people spoke of stoning him.'
Never since his flight from Gibeah and Saul had David stood so
alone..Far from blaming God for allowing the destruction of the city,
David took the reprisal of the Amelekites as one of life's hazards,
in which he could draw on the resources of a faithful covenant Lord.”
(Baldwin)
Tsumura echoes
this last thought: “In this situation [30:1] David strengthened
himself in the Lord, his God. Only the intimate relationship with his
personal God gave him strength in such a critical time.”
Seibert:
“David...recovers people and possessions taken by the Amalekites in
a raid on Ziklag (1 Sam 30:18-19).”
“David
reflects Saul's generosity after the battle of Ziklag (1 Sam
30:21-25)...” (C.J.H. Wright)
II Samuel 1:1, 4:10
Ziklag is again
mentioned in this first verse of II Samuel where David receives the
news of the deaths of Saul and Jonathan. The news is delivered by an
Amelekite who has travelled roughly 80 miles to David's outpost to
tell him, hoping to thus obtain an important position in David's
kingdom or another reward. This Amelekite even brags untruthfully
that he was the one who personally dispatched Saul. The reader knows
this is a lie from I Samuel 31. “So on the first page of another
biblical book we run straight into the God who exposes us, who
delights in truth in the inward parts (Ps 51:6), who sets our secret
sins in the light of his presence (Ps. 90:8).” (D. R. Davis)
Davis also points
out that there is an almost identical story found in I Samuel 4 in
which two commanders of the forces of Ishbaal, son of Saul, decide to
murder him in order to get into David's good graces. But instead of a
reward for their deed, they are put to death by him instead. As
McCarter says, “Their treachery is born not of revenge but of crass
opportunism and the hope of a reward from David...Thus we see that
“David...was reluctant to press his own interests at the expense of
the house of Saul, for whom he continued to carry respect and
loyalty.” After all, David fully kept in mind that God Himself had
chosen Saul to be the king of Israel.
I Chronicles 4:30; 12:1,20
“This
list of Simeonite settlements [in verse 4:30] is drawn with only
slight changes from Jos. 19:2-8.” (Williamson)
And Howard notes:
“The genealogy of Simeon [I Chron. 4] (24-43) is very fragmentary
and this reflects the fact that it lost its tribal identity very
early, becoming absorbed into Judah...The final portion of the
chapter deals with the Simeonite chiefs who were forced to migrate
due to overpopulation and lack of pasture, suggesting a semi-nomadic
type of life to a late date.”
Concerning I
Chron. 12:1-7, Ellison states that it “gives a list of Benjamites
(v. 2) who supported David. They are mentioned first because their
action was the more remarkable when we consider that Saul belonged to
their tribe. A comparison of v. 1 with vv. 8,16 shows that they were
not the first to join David in point of time.”
Williamson: “As
for the chronological setting of the material [in I Chron. 11-12] is
concerned.., the Chronicler ordered his material by theme rather than
strict historical order...Rather we should observe that, according to
the geographical indications supplied, the material is arranged in a
chiastic [i.e., mirror-image] structure,” as in Figure 1 below:
1. Hebron
(11:10)
2. Ziklag
(12:1)
3. The
Stronghold (12:8)
3'. The
Stronghold (12:16)
2'. Ziklag
(12:20)
1'. Hebron
(12:23)
This is an
important observation in that this sort of arrangement of material in
the Old and New Testament often follows a topical scheme rather than
one which is strictly chronological. So again see here that exact
chronological order in the Bible is not necessarily to be expected.
Instead there may be some more topical arrangement at work.
Howard's
comments on Chapter 12 are as follows: “These lists seem to be
drawn from very early material...The evidence of such large-scale
defections to David indicates how it was possible for him to secure
the throne immediately after Saul's death. The process, however, was
under the hand of God, a point the Chronicler emphasizes in the use
of the words of Amasai, For your God will help you 12:18).”
Nehemiah 11:28
This
verse is the last one in the Old Testament to mention Ziklag. “The
verses [i.e. 11:25-36] list towns and villages in the former
territories of Judah (vv. 25-30) and Benjamin (vv. 31-36). No reason
can be given for the non-mention of important settlements mentioned
elsewhere in Ezra and Nehemiah.” (Cundall)
Fensham: “Much
has been written on the origin of this list of cities...The real
problem with this list is that it creates the impression that the
Jews lived in a much larger area than expected. The question is
whether this list delineates the limits of the Persian province of
Judah...It seems better to assume that some of the cities listed
refer to areas with a partially Jewish population. The Jews are
citizens of the Persian empire and could move to and fro in the
different provinces.”
“I
Chron ix attributes the list to the time of the return; Neh xi to
that following the completion of the rebuilding the wall.” (Myers)
Concerning verses 25-36 specifically, he states, “Evidently the
writer was concerned primarily with relating how, after the
reconstruction of the wall and the consequent multiplication of
space, the authorities put on a campaign to repopulate the capital.
That move emphasized the other side of the matter, namely, that many
of the people were content to live in the outlying areas of Judah.”
He speculates that the list could refer “to those who were not too
eager to move to Jerusalem.”